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Last year, I wrote a critical piece on the political state of El Salvador. I argued that their leader, Nayib Bukele, manipulated both the Salvadoran government and its people in order to secure the presidency. Since his victory, he has overstepped his presidential power in many respects, establishing himself as an authoritarian leader while operating under the guise of a democratic one. As I researched the fall of their democracy, I was relieved to be living in ours. But now, only a year later, this American “democracy” is starting to resemble the one in El Salvador. Donald Trump and Bukele both employed a similar election strategy centered on crime, disregarded democratic principles, and removed their opposition to consolidate power. The very tactics that unraveled El Salvador’s democracy are now taking place in our very own.

When it came to election strategy, both Bukele and Trump capitalized on the concern for security risks in their country. For Bukele’s constituency, the promise of less gang violence was rightfully a crucial issue. In the U.S., the “threat” of undocumented immigrants mobilized voters in a similar way. “They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists,” was how Trump described the undocumented immigrants, particularly those from beyond the southern border (Phillips 2017). Under Bukele’s administration, innocent Salvadorans have been imprisoned, making his crackdown method on gang membership controversial. Most of those deported by the Trump administration are also innocent, with their only “crime” being moving to a country in hopes of achieving the American Dream.

Now the two leaders are working hand in hand to accomplish Trump’s deportations. Recently, over 200 Venezuelans, who are alleged by the White House to be gang members, have been deported to Bukele’s supermax prison in El Salvador. When a federal judge inevitably blocked the ruling, Bukele responded on X with “Oopsie…too late” after the deportation flights had already departed (Correal 2025). Trump used jargon from the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, saying gang members were waging “irregular warfare” against the U.S., allowing him to override one of the earliest American principles: due process (Drenon 2025).

Their comparable election strategies also took advantage of American and Salvadoran frustrations with the status quo. They curated their campaigns to emphasize progress and “New Ideas,” presenting themselves as the only ones able to resolve these grievances. Trump’s “Make America Great Again” slogan has been printed on countless pieces of merchandise, serving as a constant reminder to his supporters of promises like lower prices, stricter immigration enforcement, and an aggressive foreign policy. Similarly, Bukele’s Nuevas Ideas party promised a change from the corrupt, ineffective parties that ruled for decades before (Will & Lucas, 2021). At the Conservative Political Action Conference, Bukele encouraged the conservative American audience to take action against the “dark forces” of the country, urging for drastic change (Lincon, 2024​​). This change, he implied, would require an unconventional leader, a strongman with a no-nonsense approach. For Bukele and many voters, Trump embodied this role. Like Bukele, Trump established a tough, authoritarian-like image of himself by breaking political norms. For example, he used unorthodox rhetoric in his speeches. It is not often you hear a presidential candidate calling their opponent “a stupid person,” “a nasty woman,” or “horseface.” Yet this unfiltered bluntness attracted voters who perceived it as a sign of authenticity.

Perhaps the most worrisome similarity between the two is their disregard for the democratic institutions of their respective countries. Most notably, both leaders entertained the possibility of changing their constitutions to run for another term, something Bukele even acted upon. “I suspect I won’t be running again unless you say, ‘He’s so good we’ve got to figure something else out,’” Trump stated, knowing it would be unconstitutional (Nicholas 2025). However, like Bukele, President Trump’s party controls the entire legislative branch. Bukele was permitted an additional term thanks to this power.

Both reject the democratic norms of their country in other ways as well. The incitement of the riot on January 6th, 2021, was President Trump demonstrating his distrust in the democratic process and preventing the U.S. tradition of a peaceful transition of power. Both leaders have criticized the press and attacked journalists exercising free speech and press despite the media protections outlined in their constitutions. Journalists in El Salvador are free to report on what they like, but are frequently subject to harassment and violence for anti-regime sentiments. Government officials in El Salvador and the U.S. alike also perpetuate disinformation in the media (Freedom House 2024). Fact-checkers noted 33 falsehoods from Trump compared to Kamala Harris’ 1 during their 2024 debate (Gold 2024). Further, Trump coined the term “fake news” to describe virtually every remark critical of him or his regime. He has described the press as “the enemy of the people,” urging his followers to disregard their reports of him. He also tweeted out 46 tweets in one month alone, including the words “fake” or “phony” (Keith, 2018).

Silencing critics is one of the first steps of consolidating control. But running a regime is a lot easier when none of the opposition is in power at all. Bukele acted quickly after his election victory to rid the legislature of those who might have any level of power against him. He fired the independent attorney general as well as judges in the country’s highest court. He packed the legislature with loyalists in his New Ideas party, dismantling their system of checks and balances (“El Salvador Court Rules Presidents Can Serve Two Consecutive Terms” 2021). Upon President Trump’s swearing in of his second term, he, too, targeted members of the Democratic Party employed by the federal government. Under the scapegoat of downsizing for decreased taxes, he snatched the jobs of those who had the knowledge to question his authority. Most notably, he dismissed Ellen Weintraub, the chair of the Democratic Federal Elections Committee, who monitors federal elections and supervises campaign finance laws. Gwynne Wilcox, the chair of the National Labor Relations Board, was also fired- an unprecedented act. Multiple prosecutors involved in the lawsuits against Trump were fired as well (Halpert 2025).

Democratic backsliding often happens subtly, but the changes occurring in both the U.S. and El Salvador are not subtle at all, which should be a major cause for concern. The parallels between our country and theirs serve as a warning. However, the disregard of democratic principles, the vilification of the media, and the increase in executive power do not happen in isolation. We still have a voice in our democracy, and we must use it before we lose it.

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References

Correal, A. (2025, March 17). Nayib Bukele, El Salvador’s Leader, Sees Opportunity in Trump’s Deportations. The New York Times.

Drenon, B. (2025, March 16). US removes hundreds of Venezuelans to El Salvador despite court order to turn back deportation flights. BBC News.

El Salvador court rules presidents can serve two consecutive terms. (2021, September 4). BBC News.

Freedom House. (2024). El Salvador: Freedom in the World 2024 Country Report. Freedom House.

Gold, H. (2024, September 11). ABC debate moderators live fact-checked Trump’s false claims from the stage. CNN; CNN.

Halpert, M. (2025, February 8). “You’re fired”: The people Trump has sacked since taking office. BBC News.

Keith, T. (2018, September 2). President Trump’s Description of What’s “Fake” Is Expanding. NPR.org.

Lincon, A. (2024, February 23). El Salvador’s president gets rock-star welcome at conservative gathering outside Washington. AP News.

Nicholas, P. (2025, February 26). Trump keeps toying with a third term — but the Constitution forbids it. NBC News.

Phillips, A. (2017, June 16). “They’re rapists.” President Trump’s campaign launch speech two years later, annotated. The Washington Post.

Will, F., & Lucas, P. (2021, March 2). In El Salvador, Broken Promises Have Forced the Establishment Out. Foreign Policy. ��