United States鈥 announced exit from Paris accords leaves opening for leadership, CU 麻豆影院 sociologist contends
While President Trump鈥檚 decision to leave the Paris climate agreement probably dismayed climate scientists, it did at least provide some interesting data for scholars who study trends in the negotiations.
One of those researchers is David Ciplet, an assistant professor at the 麻豆影院 who recently returned from the climate negotiations in Bonn, Germany, and who said other nations are mulling ways to fill the climate-leadership vacuum left by the United States.
Ciplet鈥檚 research, which includes a recently published study, suggests that the world鈥檚 most influential 听states have shifted their governance over climate change mitigation to more market-based priorities in the last two decades, and that this development might not address the needs of the world鈥檚 most-vulnerable people.
鈥淭he U.N. climate negotiations have long been heavily influenced by the United States鈥 reluctance to take bold action on the issue,鈥 Ciplet said recently.
鈥淲ith the Trump administration largely absent from the negotiations in Bonn, there was at least a feeling among many participants that leadership could take new forms. This does not, of course, mean that the world doesn鈥檛 need the United States to dramatically step up its game on climate action.鈥
While the Obama Administration favored strong climate action, the Paris Agreement was written specifically so that it could be adopted without a vote by Congress, which was dominated by the Republican Party at the time. Years earlier, after heavily influencing its content under then-President Bill Clinton, the United States never ratified the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.
Ciplet, a sociologist in the Environmental Studies Program, along with co-authors Timmons Roberts and Mizan Khan, published a study of how the market-driven forces have affected international efforts to mitigate climate change through a 25-year history.
Published in the September edition of Global Environmental Change, their study 鈥淐limate change and the transition to neoliberal environmental governance,鈥 found that U.N. governance of the issue has gradually become more and more affected by market-driven concerns鈥攍iberal meaning more 鈥渓aissez faire鈥 in economic parlance.
Even without the Trump administration鈥檚 climate-change stance, Ciplet said there was a profound difference in how responsibility to slowing climate change was being addressed at the U.N. over time.
鈥淲e鈥檙e in a very different space than even a decade ago; a decade ago, there was real consideration of a framework that the large polluters (nations) would be explicitly responsible for reducing emissions and contributing economic resources in relation to their responsibility,鈥 Ciplet said.
We鈥檙e negotiating over who should have the right to pollute, how much pollution can safely be emitted, and who should bear the costs of transitioning to a green economy."
鈥淣ow we have more of a voluntary framework that is less explicit about who is responsible for ultimately cleaning up this mess. Bonn was more or less about hammering down details of how states would use transparency and peer pressure to encourage more ambitious action on climate change, especially in the near term.鈥
The voluntary and bottom-up process established in recent years has meant that many of the most important decisions concerning climate change are being made in domestic contexts, and in bilateral agreements between nations outside of the formal U.N. process. For example, the United States and China reached a bilateral agreement on climate change in 2014, and other nations and the European Union have also sought such arrangements.
Ciplet said the problem with such a bottom-up and voluntary approach is that U.N. climate negotiations have historically provided a platform for advocates seeking to protect the rights of smaller, less-powerful nations.
鈥淭he U.N. process has really been one of the only places in the world for the countries that are excluded from economic progress to make demands of equity,鈥 he said. If basic decisions such as who should be responsible for reducing emissions and providing finances to help other countries adapt to climate change are made outside of the formal U.N. process, Ciplet argues that issues of inequality may gain less traction.
鈥淭he biggest polluters are often negotiating outside of this process,鈥 he said. 鈥淪o it鈥檚 very hard to imagine how we鈥檒l make decisions that adequately address issues around equity and justice facing the most vulnerable countries to climate-change impacts, such as the 48 Least Developed Countries, and the rights of marginalized groups such as indigenous peoples.鈥
In the case of developing nations, Ciplet noted, many are relying on cheap fossil fuels to help them develop out of poverty. Unless the wealthy nations financially support a clean-energy transition in the Least Developed Countries, he said, these nations will have no choice but to use fossil fuels to develop their economies.
鈥淲e鈥檙e negotiating over who should have the right to pollute, how much pollution can safely be emitted, and who should bear the costs of transitioning to a green economy,鈥 he said. 鈥淲ho gets to use that atmospheric space and what framework should determine that?鈥
1997: , introduced legally binding emission reduction targets for developed countries
2015: , develops plan to limit global warming to less than 2 degrees C
2017: in Bonn
These questions, he said, were not meaningfully addressed in Bonn, but progress was made in ensuring that a process is created in which states will discuss whether commitments and actions are sufficient for preventing catastrophic climate change.
鈥淲ith current commitments made by states, we are currently on track for more than 3 degrees Celsius of global average warming, which is far more than the safer 1.5-degree Celsius target established in Paris,鈥 Ciplet said. 鈥淥n the issue of equity, very little of the promised money has been delivered to impacted countries by the wealthy states responsible for causing the climate problem.鈥
Ciplet thought one interesting aspect at Bonn was the Powering Past Coal alliance, started by the United Kingdom, Canada and the Marshall Islands, which were joined by 12 other countries. But by far the most confrontational was the Trump administration鈥檚 decision to use the only event it hosted for a conference touting the effectiveness of 鈥渃lean coal,鈥 which refers to carbon capture and sequestration at coal-burning facilities.
鈥淓fforts to phase out coal have definitely emerged as a unifying point 鈥 we simply cannot continue to burn coal and stay within the confines of the Paris Agreement,鈥 he said.
鈥淚n Bonn the most extreme case was the Trump Administration, in the most clear kind of market-driven example, advocating for the expansion of fossil fuels and coal. More than half the people left the room鈥 during the U.S. event.
鈥淭here鈥檚 little support for that blatant level of open kowtowing to the fossil fuel industry,鈥 Ciplet said, 鈥渂ut most polluting countries are still falling far short of taking action to end fossil fuel use commensurate with what is needed for a stable climate.鈥